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ךוניח ישנא ,םיצעוי ,םילפטמל Full text םירמאמל תוינפהו םירמאמ יריצקת .תואירבה תכרעמ ישנאו |
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Female Child Molesters by Hislop, J. R. C. 1999
Publication Information: In: Davin, P. A; Hislop, J. C. R.; Dunbar, T. Female Sexual Abusers: Three Views. Brandon, VT, Safer Society Press
Available from: Safer Society Press, P.O. Box 340
This study included 43 females who had engaged in sexual activity with children or adolescents who were 15 or younger at the time of the sexual contacts. The subjects were drawn from prisons, sexual abuse treatment facilities, and residential drug and alcohol rehabilitation centers. Thirty-five of the women described their sexual contacts with a total of 56 children. Demographic and psychosocial history data is provided for the women, including information concerning their own reported child sexual abuse histories. Information concerning the women's offenses against children is also provided. The female child abusers' psychosocial histories suggested more dependency than the control groups matched for age, education, race, and type of data collection facility. Contrary to expectation, female child abusers were not significantly different from a matched control group in terms of history of number of male sex partners, income, family-of-origin pathology, or severity of sexual abuse history. An exploratory factor analysis provided support for the existence of possible subtypes of female child abusers. A step-wise multiple regression analysis did not provide support for the hypothesis that the severity of childhood sexual abuse history, as modified by family-of-origin pathology, would predict the severity of the sexual abuse perpetrated by the female child abusers. 6 appendices and numerous references and tables. (Author abstract modified)
Both psychosocial and societal factors contribute to female sexual abuse of children, men, and other women. The author discusses acts committed by mothers, siblings, and caretakers, as well as those involving indirect participants, and activities related to ritual sex abuse, and provides a sample developmental profile of a female sexual offender from birth to early adulthood. Incest during childhood, either by a female or male family member, appears to play a significant role in later sexual abuse by women. The author considers a number of possible reasons for why researchers, healthcare staff, and law enforcement officials fail to recognize, or are reluctant to report abusive sexual behavior committed by women. There are some problems in defining child abuse within the current medical/legal systems, including the roles and behaviors of husbands and mates of female child molesters. The author also examines female offenders in mental health facilities and prisons; mental illness as a factor in sexual abuse by women, including schizophrenia, psychosis, depression and other mood disorders; and other co-morbid conditions common to female sex offenders, such as partner abuse, intelligence and learning issues, and violence and/or sexual abuse in childhood. An overview of the psychological and emotional effects of these types of abuse is presented. The psychological effects of sexual abuse by women on children are examined in depth, as well as histories of abusive and abused women and children. Problems encountered, and factors to be considered in providing counseling and therapy to female sexual offenders are included, as are victimization and patterns of offenses. Numerous references, tables.
In 1996, the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN) investigated more than two million reports alleging maltreatment of more than three million children. More than one million of these children were identified as victims of abuse. Of the one million children, 12% were sexually abused. The sexual abuse of children by women, primarily mothers, once thought to be so rare it could be ignored, constituted 25% (approximately 36,000 children) of the sexually abused victims. This statistic is thought to be underestimated due to the tendency of non-disclosure by victims. This paper examines the statistical data regarding sexual abuse by women, the psychological profiles of these women, how and why society excuses female abusers, the impact on the sexually abused children, and available treatments for the perpetrators.
This book looks at 3 different aspects of female sexual offenders. Beginning with literature reviews, each authors' examination of women who abuse ranges from the characteristics of co-offenders, to factors in the etiology of offending for women, to comparisons of psycho-social histories of women abusers and non-offending women in the same milieus. Section 1 consists of a study of female sex offenders; section 2 explores female child molesters, and the last section discusses women who sexually abuse female children. Numerous tables and references.
This study describes a comparative analysis of 6 studies of women who sexually molested prepubertal female children. Findings were supported by individual case studies from various authors. The organization of male and female etiologies for sexual abuse suggests that both genders share characteristic similarities, yet have gender-circumstantial differences that influence the development of adult abusive behavior. The etiologies for male sexual abuse were presented using Finkelhor and Araji's (1986) 4-factor model on pedophilia (emotional congruence, sexual arousal, blockage, and inhibition). The etiologies of female sexual abuse were organized using Travin, Cullen, and Protter's (1990) classification of biological, learned/behavioral, and psychodynamic factors. A theoretical discussion used reported learned/behavioral and psychodynamic case study observations of female abusing behavior. Examination of the findings emphasizes the importance of primary mother-daughter attachment, early female identity formation, and female socialization as influences on later female molesting behavior. Analysis of the 6 core studies also suggests that social recognition of female sex offenders was hampered by the criminal justice system's use of a double standard in convicting male and female abusers. The sentencing of such female sex offenders appears to be derived from the cultural role that women are stereotyped to play. The overall findings contribute to the understanding of women who sexually molest female children. 5 tables, 1 figure, and numerous references.
A Descriptive Model of the Offense Process for Female Sexual Offenders by Theresa A. Gannon1, Mariamne R. Rose2 and Tony Ward3. Sex Abuse - A Jpurnal of Research and Treatment, September 2008 vol. 20 no. 3 352-374
Although considerable efforts have been made to develop and validate etiological models of male sexual offending, no theory is available to guide research or practice with female sexual offenders (FSOs). In this study, the authors developed a descriptive, offense process model of female sexual offending. Systematic qualitative analyses (i.e., grounded theory) of 22 FSOs' offense interviews were used to develop a temporal model documenting the contributory roles of cognitive, behavioral, affective, and contextual factors in female sexual abuse. The model highlights notable similarities and divergences between male and female sexual offenders' vulnerability factors and offense styles. In particular, the model incorporates male co-offender and group co-offender influences and describes how these interact with vulnerability factors to generate female sexual offending. The gender-specific research and clinical implications of the model are discussed.
Mad, Bad, or Victim? Making Sense of Mother-Daughter Sexual Abuse by Tracey Peter, Feminist Criminology October 2006 vol. 1 no. 4 283-302
This article explores current rationalizations that classify sexually abusive mothers as mad, bad, or victim. Analyses of these paradigms are informed by survivors' narratives- because, after all, survivors are the best experts on their lives. Specifically, qualitative data are analyzed from multiple semistructured interviews with women who were sexually abused by their mother or female caregiver. Working within a feminist framework (which critically analyzes the disconnection between societal expectations of mothers with survivors' experiences of sexual violence), survivor accounts are examined to explore how social constructions based on femininity and motherhood influence survivors' perception of their mother or female caregiver.
Exploring Taboos: Comparing Male and Female Perpetrated Child Sexual Abuse by Tracey Peter, J. Interpers. Violence July 2009 vol. 24 no. 7 1111-1128
The objective of this article is to compare male- and female-perpetrated sexual abuse in terms of victim and abuser characteristics, type of abuse, family structure, and worker information. Bivariate tests of significance were performed on the 1998 Canadian Incidence Study of Reported Child Abuse and Neglect, which included 308 male and 37 female abusers. Results show a prevalence rate of 10.7% for female-perpetrated sexual abuse. Girls were more likely to be victimized for both male- and female-perpetrated sexual violence and females tended to abuse younger children. The majority of children came from families with lower socioeconomic status although one in five victims of female-perpetrated sexual abuse came from middle-class homes. Referrals to child welfare agencies were more likely to be made by nonprofessionals when females abused.
Speaking About the Unspeakable: Exploring the Impact of Mother-Daughter Sexual Abuse by Tracey Peter, Violence Against Women September 2008 vol. 14 no. 9 1033-1053
By embarking on multiple interviews with eight survivors (a total of 29 interviews), this article examines the impact of maternal sexual abuse on daughters. Although it is important to recognize the abuse that women lived through, it tells little about their struggles. Thus, as a way to honor the lives of the women interviewed, I have chosen to follow the model of Liz Kelly (1988), who focuses on the impact of sexual abuse in terms of coping, resisting, and surviving. Findings suggest that the impact of mother-daughter sexual abuse on survivors is particularly profound and experiences of maternal violence are often fraught with disbelief.
Female sexual abusers of children by Deborah S. Boroughs, Children and Youth Services Review Volume 26, Issue 5, May 2004, Pages 481-487
In 1996, the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN) investigated more than two million reports alleging maltreatment of more than three million children. More than one million of these children were identified as victims of abuse. Of the one million children, 12% were sexually abused. The sexual abuse of children by women, primarily mothers, once thought to be so rare it could be ignored, constituted 25% (approximately 36 000 children) of the sexually abused victims. This statistic is thought to be underestimated due to the tendency of non-disclosure by victims. This paper examines the statistical data regarding sexual abuse by women, the psychological profiles of these women, how and why society excuses female abusers, the impact on the sexually abused children, and available treatments for the perpetrators.
Incarcerated Female Sexual Offenders: A Comparison of Sexual Histories with Eleven Female Nonsexual Offenders by Meg S. Kaplan1 and Arthur Green, Sex Abuse October 1995 vol. 7 no. 4 287-300 Although there is a body of literature on male sexual offenders, there is a paucity of data on female sexual offenders. In this study, 11 incarcerated female sexual offenders against children were matched with a comparison group of 11 female offenders incarcerated for nonsexual crimes regarding their own prior sexual and physical victimization experiences and sexual histories. Results indicated that the sexual offenders demonstrated a higher incidence of childhood sexual abuse and were victimized exclusively within the family. The sexual offender group also demonstrated a higher incidence of physical abuse. Additional descriptions of psychiatric status are presented. In comparing sex histories between groups, the sexual offenders reported that most sexual activity was initiated at later ages than the nonsexual offenders. Although the sample is small, there also were differences within the groups. The sexually abused sexual offenders had a later age of first masturbation, first orgasm, and satisfaction with adult partners. Prior victimization, regardless of group, played a common role in preventing sexual satisfaction in adulthood. Regarding the sexual offenses, there was a great deal of denial and minimization as well as denial of atypical sexual fantasy. Both groups were given a self-report sexual interest card sort. Four offenders from each group endorsed various atypical sexual scenes. A case study is presented to illustrate the complex nature of a female sexual offender in this study. Recommendations for future research in the assessment of female sexual offenders are discussed. 15/09/2010-ב הנורחאל ןכדוע הז ףד |
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